Author Topic: Η ζωή στην παλιά δεξιά, του Μάρεϋ Ρόθμπαρντ (Read 62 times)

FringeElements · « **on:** October 17, 2012, 08:09:35 pm »

At Columbia graduate school, I founded a Students for Thurmond group. I showed up at the first meeting, which consisted of a group of Southern students and one New York Jew, myself. There were a brace of other New York Jews there, but they were all observers from the Henry Wallace Progressive Party, puzzled and anxious to find out to what extent fascism and the Ku Klux Klan had permeated the fair Columbia campus. They were especially bewildered when I got up at the meeting and made a fiery stump speech on behalf of states' rights and against centralized socialism. What was a nice Jewish boy doing in a place like this?

I have been asked many times whether the Old Right was rife with anti-Semitism. Left-wing undercover operators and smear artists such as "John Roy Carlson" had written a best-selling work, Under Cover, tarring all anti-New Dealers and America Firsters with the anti-Semitic and "neo-Nazi" brush, and the reputation of the Old Right has grown worse over the years, since, as usual, the interpretation of history has been solely in the hands of the internationalist winners.

The answer to this question, however, is a resounding No. In my decade on the Old Right, I never once encountered any anti-Semitic hostility. It is true there were unfortunately very few Jews on the Old Right, but those that were there – notably the great libertarian Frank Chodorov – were widely admired and encountered no ethnic hostility. It is true that there was a general unhappiness with the fact that most Jews seemed to be leftists, as well as widespread opposition to the Zionist program of driving Palestinian Arabs out of their lands and homes, but these were attitudes that I myself fully shared.

The Old Right finally began to fade away over the issue of the Cold War. All Old Rightists were fervently anticommunist, knowing full well that the communists had played a leading role in the later years of the New Deal and in getting us into World War II. But we believed that the main threat was not the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, but socialism and collectivism here at home, a threat that would escalate if we engaged in still another Wilsonian-Rooseveltian global crusade, this time against the Soviet Union and its client states. Most Old Rightists, therefore, fervently opposed the Cold War, including the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, and the quasi-debacle of the Korean War. Indeed, while the entire left, with the exception of the Communist Party, got behind the Korean War as opposition to North Korean "aggression" under the cover of the United Nations, the Old Right, particularly its hard-core members in the House of Representatives, led by the Chicago Tribune, opposed all of these policies to the hilt. Howard Buffett, for example, was one of the major voices in Congress opposed to the Korean adventure.

By the mid-1950s, however, the Old Right began to fade away. Senator Taft was robbed of the Republican nomination in 1952 by a Rockefeller-Morgan Eastern banker cabal, using their control of respectable "Republican" media. In the early 1950s, Taft himself and the doughty Colonel McCormick passed away, and the veteran Old Right leaders faded from the scene. The last gasp of the Old Right in foreign policy was the defeat of the Bricker Amendment to the Constitution in 1954, an amendment that would have prevented international treaties from overriding American rights and powers. The amendment was sabotaged by the Eisenhower administration.

Finally, the Old Right was buried by the advent in late 1955 of the lively weekly National Review, a well-edited periodical that filled the ideological vacuum resulting from the deaths of McCormick and Taft and the retirement of other isolationist stalwarts. National Review set out successfully to transform the American right from an isolationist defender of the Old Republic to a global crusader against the Soviet Union and international communism. After National Review became established as the GHQ of the right, it proceeded to purge all rightwing factions that had previously lived and worked in harmony but now proved too isolationist or too unrespectable for the newly transformed Buckleyite right. These purges paved the way for later changes of line as well as future purges: of those who opposed anti-Stalinist, pro-welfare state liberals called "neoconservatives," as well as of those who persisted in opposing the crippling of property rights in the name of "civil" and other victimological "rights."

As time passed and Old Right heroes passed away and were forgotten, many of the right-wing rank-and-file, never long on historical memory, forgot and adapted their positions to the new dispensation. The last political manifestation of the Old Right was the third-party Andrews-Werdel ticket of 1956, which called for the repeal of the income tax and the rollback of the New Deal. Its foreign policy was the last breath of the pre-Cold War Old Right: advocating no foreign war, the Bricker Amendment, and the abolition of foreign aid. The betrayal of Senator Taft in 1952 had driven me out of the Republican Party, and after supporting the Andrews-Werdel ticket, I spent the following decades in the political wilderness, trying to join abortive third "Constitutional" parties and to separate libertarians out from a right wing that I no longer recognized and that seemed to me far closer to the hated New Deal, domestic and foreign, than to its Old Right enemy, which I had happily discovered and embraced in the years just after World War II.

Spoiler (hover to show)

Διαβάστε το παραπάνω κείμενο και επισκεφθείτε την λαθρομεταναστολάγνα, φιλελευθερο-προοδευτική, προς-θεού-μην-θίγετε-τους-εβραίους-γιατί-είστε-νεοναζί, ιστοσελίδα Μπλε Μήλο και βάλτε καλά στο μυαλό σας πως μεταξύ παλαιοελευθεριακού αναρχοκαπιταλισμού και ελληνόφωνου ελλαδοσοβιετικού φιλελευθερισμού υπάρχει αγεφύρωτο χάος, όπως υπάρχει ανάμεσα στην πρόοδο και την παρακμή.

Είναι πρόδηλο πως η αγνότερη μορφή της καπιταλιστικής ιδεολογίας δεν είναι ουδέτερη, τυφλή και αμερόληπτη σε ζητήματα πολιτικής αλλά πηγάζει από και περιελίσσεται γύρω από τον χώρο της αντιδημοκρατικής-αντικρατικιστικής Δεξιάς, την Ηθών και των Παραδόσεων. Και οποιοσδήποτε επιχειρεί να αμφισβητήσει κάτι τέτοιο δεν μπορεί παρά να είναι ο ίδιος κρατιστής ή όργανο εκείνων.

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Author Topic: Η ζωή στην παλιά δεξιά, του Μάρεϋ Ρόθμπαρντ (Read 62 times)

FringeElements

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